TOL Georgia

How Georgian and Russian elections look alike

December 1st, 2007 by jibs

The Economist published an insightful article on how the elections take place in Russia. I could not agree more, but, at the same time the elections in Georgia are no better… 

In Russia, The Economist says Teacher “Maria” was ordered to take her 15-year-old pupils to a demonstration supporting United Russia (Putin’s party).

Ten years ago I would have told you my real name,” she sighs. Her pupils later learnt from television that they had joined in an “outburst of patriotic feeling”.

Similarly in Georgia, kindergarten employees are expected to find 10 people to support Misha’s public appearances. Here is what the Head of the NGO “The Fund of Georgia’s Social Development” Mamuka Metreveli says:

This scheme will involve not only the kindergartens and local municipalities, but also education system, Minister cabinets, Parliament, military and Internal Affairs institutions.

In Russia, The Economist says

To keep the opposition out of parliament, the Kremlin raised the threshold for seats to 7%, and banned small parties from forming coalitions to meet this requirement… Opposition leaders have been harassed or arrested and their financing blocked. Television has given blanket coverage to United Russia and dished dirt on all opposition.

In Georgia, the threshold for entry into parliament has been 7% since the honeymoon days of the Rose Revolution. Only now, after the crisis severed Misha’s support, his team is willing to negotiate the threshold issue. Certain opposition members are accused of cooperating with the KGB, and are under 24 hour surveillance. Their phones are tapped, and as soon as they say something “fishy”, it is guaranteed to be the first topic on state controlled television 9 o’clock news.

Imedi TV, the most popular television outside the authorities’ reach, is closed under slippery charges of “inciting civil unrest” — meaning reporting on issues the authorities don’t like. Also, it is accused of being a political tool of some “enemies”.

In Russia The Economist says,

One reason is that Russian economic growth, sparked by the privatisations of the 1990s and kept going by the oil-price boom, has brought rising living standards and a new sense of stability.

It is the oil and gas prices in Russia that keep the regime floating. Misha, who doesn’t have either commodity, goes around promising double increases in salaries, pensions, one time aid to the poor, etc. Millions are being spent to win the hearts of those who started to doubt Misha’s course. What about the inflation???

In Russia, The Economist says,

To guard against that [low elections turnout], Mr Putin recently gave a rousing speech at a stadium in Moscow, broadcast on every television channel. He said Russia was in danger from ill-wishing foreigners and thieving liberals.

Misha gives rousing speeches everyday. Recently, without going much into details, he promised to return refugees back to Abkhazia within months. Though he is officially resigned now, he gives instructions to the government as if he was still in power. Apart from a heavy dosage of Brazilian soap operas, the Georgian TV channels cover Misha’s every step and word… Marginal presidential hopefuls get more TV time than the real candidates.

Talks of the “Russian oligarchs” taking over Georgia to later sell it into pieces is the favorite topic of the authorities. Outside “dangers and threats” direct the choice of setting election date, conducting campaigns and throwing dirt at the opponents.

In Russia, The Economist says,

When the opposition gathered in Moscow and St Petersburg as part of the Other Russia movement, which has not been allowed to register for this election, many people, including journalists, were beaten up and arrested. These scenes, broadcast around the world, were not shown on Russian television. Russians did not hear opposition speeches; they were not told that the police had unlawfully detained candidates.

November 7 dispersal of the demonstration in Georgia is probably far worse. Later, after the state of emergency was taken off, the opposition held a rally that attracted 30,000 people — the Georgian television channels barely mentioned that there was such an occasion.

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